Tuesday, April 28, 2020
The Play Othello Was Written Be William Shakespeare In The Latter Year
The play Othello was written be William Shakespeare in the latter years of Shakespeare's career. Shakespeare composed, revised, and acted in many theatrical performances throughout his life, he also owned the Globe theater where many of his works were performed. The work Othello was based on a story by Giraldi Cinthios, Tale of a Moor, which was a mellow drama about a moor and his doubts about his wife's fidelity. In Shakespeare's play the moor (Othello) is convinced by his jealous aid (Iago) that his wife (Desdemona) is not being faithful. Iago's jealousy is motivated by his anger as a result of not being appointed Othello's Lieutenant, when he learns that Cassio a Florentine has be promoted instead he vows to seek revenge against Othello. Throughout Shakespeare's Othello various forms iof irony are used. In the first acts of the play verbal irony is most prominent. Verbal irony is when a character says something but actually means the opposite. Iago does this several times, most likely because of the demeanor of his character. In the first act Iago tells Roderigo that "He is for him"(Act 1. Scene 2, Ln 75). This statement is verbal irony because Iago is not actually "for" Roderigo he is only using him as part of his scheme. Verbal irony is also present in the second act where Iago tells Othello that he is a faithful servant" (Act 2, Scene , Ln ). The ironic aspect of this statement is that Iago is definitely not a faithful servant to Othello, he is trying to destroy his life. Dramatic irony also plays a major role in the play Othello. Dramatic irony is when a character states something which is actually the opposite of what is true; however, the character does not know that. In the first act Othello addresses Iago as "honest Iago" (Act 1, Scene 3, Ln. 336). This is dramatic irony because Iago is in no way honest, he has been and will continue to lie to Othello throughout the play; however, Othello has not yet figured that out. Dramatic irony is also seen when Othello calls Desdemona a "whore" (Act 4, Scene 2, Ln. 83). Desdemona is not really a whore but Othello has been lead astray by lies from Iago and is oblivious to the truth. Situational Irony is arguably the most complicated and well hidden aspect of irony in the play. Situational irony is when something spontaneous or unexpected happens in the story. In the first act Iago insults Brabantio by making the comparison between a villain and a senator. (Act 1, Scene 1, Ln. 132-133). One would not expect Iago to insult Brabantio because Brabantio plays a key part in Iago's plan to destroy Othello. Another situation that is quite ironic is when Desdemona goes and kneels before Iago and asks for his help (Act , Scene ,Ln. ). This is unexpected because there are so many other character who Desdemona could and should have trusted more than Iago, such as her husband Othello. This situation could also be interpreted as dramatic irony because Iago was trusted by Othello and Desdemona and neither of them had any idea of his devious plans. Shakespeare's Othello is arguably the best performed play he ever wrote. This is most likely a direct result of the irony in this play. The ironies of the play make it seem more realistic because life itself has many ironies. The ironies in Shakespeare's Othello definitely make it one of the greatest tragedies ever written.
Friday, March 20, 2020
What Makes People Virtuous Essay Example
What Makes People Virtuous Essay Example What Makes People Virtuous Paper What Makes People Virtuous Paper What makes ppl virtuous Virtue is defined as the quality of moral excellence, righteousness, and responsibility (Pg. 73) While studying what makes a virtuous person their character rather than actions are studied. Honesty, courage, moderation, compassion, wisdom and loyalty are a few examples of the characteristics of a virtuous person. (pg. 82) Virtue is the moderate option. For example a person can be greedy or a person can give everything they have away, but the person who takes care of themselves and others in virtuous because they are being responsible for themselves and others. In relation to what constructs a virtue is the origin of virtue in a person. Virtue is not born in a person, rather it is learned. A baby is not born knowing what is too much and what is not enough, nor do they know what their responsibilities are. Virtue is acquired through the experiences a person has throughout life, and by their environment. The virtue of honesty is an example. A young child may lie in order to protect themselves from consequences; they may not be honest unless their parents tell them to be. This child then learns that honesty is a good virtue whereas lying is not and feels it is their responsibility to tell the truth. Confucius states that people will develop a sense of shame and therefore order themselves. (Pg. 74) If a person is being dishonest they may feel guilt due to their betrayal towards another person, therefore they are not being righteous. Loyalty is another example of a virtue that is learned rather than innate. Being loyal can consist of dedication to a viewpoint, person or place. When first born, a child is loyal to their mother, but this does not mean virtue is innate. The baby is loyal to their mother because they depend on their mother for nurturing and survival. The child then develops loyalty to their family considering they spend the most time with the family unit. Showing loyalty is a virtue because some people will do whatever is required to help the cause they are loyal to, they feel it is their responsibility to do so. For example, some religious groups are loyal to their churches. They may get involved in charities and show moral goodness by helping others. It shows responsibility to society also because this member is trying to enhanced society by helping those in need. Considering virtue is learned it needs to be taught. Virtues can be taught through the family or by guardians. When a child is young he/she does not know much about the world. What they do know was taught through experience and being reprimanded or rewarded for the action committed. In other words, the child learned through reinforcement. Virtues can be taught this way, a child must learn the middle path rather than vices. Virtue ethics strives to create a good person and combine reason and emotion. (Pg. 86) A child is led by emotions, for example when they are angry they may scream or cry. In order to teach the virtue of tranquility a parent or authority figure can show the child how to avoid getting angry to begin with. Another example, is the virtue of sincerity, manners are taught to children at a young age by parents. Not only can authority figures teach virtue but so can society. Each person has a view of what is right and wrong and each person has a set of virtues. Society and how those in society judge a person can teach this person how to be virtuous. Benjamin Franklin lists industry as a virtue; he states that people should be useful. (Pg. 84) Society can teach this because people interact in society daily. For example, in the workplace if one person slacks another worker is affected. Each worker had a certain job and the jobs come together to achieve success and the pressure to gain success pressures people to do their job. This pressure teaches the virtue of industry and the pressure comes from succeeding in society. Virtue is taught in order to create citizens with proper morality, responsibility and righteousness. Each person holds different stock in different virtues but ultimately each person has virtues. The pressures to succeed as well as lessons taught by authority figures establish virtue which tries to create good people who can live prosperous lives.
Tuesday, March 3, 2020
The Phases of the Moon Explained
The Phases of the Moon Explained One of the most often-asked questions that astronomers get is: what are moon phases? Most people know that the Moon appears to change shape over time. Does it look round and full? Or more like a banana or a lopsided ball? Is it up in the daytime or the nighttime? Throughout each month, the Moon appears to change shape while it appears in the sky at different times, including in broad daylight!. Anyone can observe these changes as they happen. The Moons ever-changing shapes are called lunar phases. Gradual Change Anyone can Measure from the Back Yard A lunar phase is simply the shape of the sunlit part of the Moon as seen from Earth.à Phases are so strikingly obvious that we almost take them for granted. However, they can be observed throughout the month from the backyard or via a simple glance out the window. The Moons shape changes for the following reasons: the Moon orbits Earth;both Earth and the Moon orbit the Sun;the Moons orbit is the same length as the time it spins on its axis (about 28 Earth days), which means that we see the same part of the lunar surface all month;the Sun illuminates both Earth and the Moon. Get to Know the Lunar Phases There are eight phases of the Moon that to track each month. New Moon:à During New Moon, the side of the Moon facing us is not illuminated by the Sun. At this time, the Moon is not up at night, but it is up during the day. We just cant see it.à Solar eclipses can occur during the new moon, depending on how the Sun, Earth, and Moon line up in their orbits. Waxing Crescent: As the Moon waxes (grows) into its crescent phase, it begins to show up low in the sky right after sunset. Look for a silvery-looking crescent. The side facing the sunset direction will be lit up. First Quarter:à Seven days after New Moon, the Moon is in first quarter. Only half of it is visible for the first half of the evening, and then it sets.à Waxing Gibbous:à After First Quarter, the Moon appears to grow into a gibbous shape. Most of it is visible, except for a shrinking sliver over the next seven nights.à Look for the Moon at this time during the afternoon, too.à Full Moon:à During the full moon, the Sun lights up the entire surface of the Moon that faces Earth. It rises just as the Sun sets and disappears beneath the western horizon when the Sun rises the next morning. This is the brightest phase of the Moon and it washes out the nearby part of the sky, making it difficult to see stars and faint objects such as nebulae.à Supermoon:à Ever hear of a Super Moon? Thats a full Moon that happens when the Moon is closest in its orbit to Earth. The press likes to make a big deal about this, but its really a very natural thing. A Super Moon happens as the Moons orbit brings it closer to Earth on occasion. Not every month has a Super Moon. Despite the hype about Supermoons in the media, its difficult for the average observer to notice that the Moon might appear only slightly larger in the sky than normal. In fact, famous astronomer Neil deGrasse Tyson pointed out that the difference between a regular full moon and a Supermoon would be about like the difference between a 16-inch pizza and a 16.1-inch pizza.à Lunar eclipses occur only at full moons because the Moon is passing directly between Earth and the Sun in its orbit. Due to other perturbations in its orbit, not every full moon results in an eclipse.à The full moon can appear slightly larger sometimes, creating whats called a Super Moon. Most people really cant tell the difference between them.à Still, its a great chance to observe the Moon!à The other full Moon variation that often grabs media attention isà a Blue Moon. Thats the name given to the second full Moon that occurs in the same month. These dont happen all the time, and the Moon certainly doesnt appear blue. Full moons also have colloquial names based on folklore. Its worth reading about some of these names; they tell fascinating stories about early cultures. Waning Gibbous: After the glorious appearance of Full Moon, the lunar shape starts to wane, meaning it gets smaller. Its visible later at night and into the early morning, and we see a steadily shrinking shape of the lunar surface thats being lit up. The side that is lit up is facing toward the Sun, in this case, the sunrise direction. During this phase, look for the Moon during the day - it should be in the sky in the morning.à Last Quarter: At Last Quarter we see exactly half the sunlit surface of the Moon and it can be in the early morning and daytime sky.à Waning Crescent:à The last phase of the moon before returning to New Moon is called Waning Crescent, and it is exactly what it says: a steadily-shrinking crescent phase. We can see only a small sliver from Earth.à Its visible in the early morning and by the end of the 28-day lunar cycle, it has vanished almost entirely. That brings us back toà New Moon to start the new cycle. Making Lunar Phases at Home Creating lunar phases is a great classroom or home science activity. First, set up a light in the middle of a darkened room. One person holds a white ball and stands a short ways away from the light. He or she turns in a circle, just like the Moon does as it turns on its axis. The ball is illuminated by the light in ways that almost exactly match lunar phases.à à Observing the Moon throughout a month is a great school project, as well as something anyone can do on their own or with family and friends. Check it out this month!
Sunday, February 16, 2020
Entrepreneurship in the global evironment Essay
Entrepreneurship in the global evironment - Essay Example His entrepreneurial prowess is evident from his engineering work and being an inventor of dual cyclone bagless vacuum cleaner, roles that have made him allegedly over 1 billion pound rich. Dysonââ¬â¢s idea of vacuum cleaners started back in 1970 when he innovated his first product named the sea truck and later he invented the ball barrow, which resembled a modified wheelbarrow. Dyson faced some challenges in marketing his product in the United Kingdom since no distributor was willing to distribute his product because of fear that his vacuum cleaners would overtake the replacement cleaner bags. He then opted to launch his product in Japan where he made profitable returns and even won the international design fair prize in Japan, in 1991. As a result of manufacturers failing to sell his product, Dyson decided to take that as a challenge and set up his own company in 1993 in a small town named Malmebury. Luckily, in 2005, Dysonââ¬â¢s vacuum cleaners were leading in sales in the Un ited States and employment had increased in Malmebury by 1,200. Indeed, Dyson was awarded with the Queenââ¬â¢s award for enterprise for the outstanding growth and success abroad (Loch, 2008, pp 119,120). According to BBC News (2006), after dyson received a Knighthood, he told BBC that he is an entrepreneur who produces things that people want to buy. He adds that he has failed 5,126 times and has learnt that success alone teaches one nothing, but failures teach someone everything, since when one makes a mistake, he/she learns from that mistake to better on the product. According to BBC News (2006), by then, the company had 1400 staff in the United Kingdom and 4,000 workers placed in Malaysia plants. Therefore, Dyson is the best choice of an entrepreneur, since he has come a long way by putting his innovation into practice, beaten all odds of marketing, and failed numerous times before achieving the best and being contented with his products. Why James Dyson is classified as an en trepreneur According to Bolton (2004, p. 134), ââ¬Å"Dyson is another entrepreneur who has challenged the industry giants with a revolutionary of vacuum cleaner, since his dual cyclone cleaner has a UK market share in excess of 50% and his international sales are prospering.â⬠The main admirable aspect of Dyson as an entrepreneur is that he is always innovative and creative, thus focuses on what the customers want, and he always desires to improve his products. Dyson has also proved to be a risk taker, since he invested his resources on his dream of appropriate vacuum cleaners. Finally, he succeeded and his returns tell it all. Dysonââ¬â¢s idea of a vacuum cleaner started back in 1979 when he was only 31 years of age. At that time, he needed a machine that would separate particles from air. He faced many challenges, one of them being that manufacturers rejected his idea, since they did not want his machine to interfere with the replacement dust bags market. In 2000, Dyson m anaged to launch the dual cyclone cleaner that used battery to operate. He later launched a washing machine with the ability to spin and almost dry clothes. These were some of his achievements after being rejected by other manufacturers (Bolton, 2004 pp 135, 136). Dyson portrays the spirit of a true entrepreneur, since entrepreneurship is about opportunities and risks in business. Successful entrepreneurs usually spot an opportunity especially where others
Sunday, February 2, 2020
Strategic Business Alliances Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words
Strategic Business Alliances - Article Example Financial deals were cheap and this, coinciding with the idea that most companies had much cash at their disposal creates a conducive environment for alliance activity to pick up. Additionally, making business alliances aims at expanding business market share in the sense that the business would relieve a lot of pressure making them more flexible to react quickly to changes without the investorsââ¬â¢ weight upon them. Business alliance can make customersââ¬â¢ interests in the current market might end up being shelved when the management set off to concentrate and develop emerging markets elsewhere. Though it can be argued that the administrative section of the company will increase their personnel to concentrate on these new markets, they might still need support from the current managers in terms of experience in tackling hurdles that may face them and thus their focus on management might be temporarily diluted. Whether the customersââ¬â¢ expectations and their products quality will remain at their previous desirable level or even increase in the process remains to be a litmus test for the company considering this acquisition is still in its infant stages. The society as a whole benefit from business alliance given that apart from creating new job openings from their expansion, they increase value for peopleââ¬â¢s money by not only increasing the variety of commodities but also bringing new competition that will prompt other players to increase their efficiency in serving the society.
Saturday, January 25, 2020
Political Ecology Has Come Of Age Geography Essay
Political Ecology Has Come Of Age Geography Essay Political ecology is by no means a new concept. As a theory it produces a complex framework of understanding into the relationships between political, economic and social environments and the effect these relations have on environmental development and protection, developing common ground where disciplines can intersection (Greenburg and Park (1994).à The nature of political ecology can be so broadly defined that as a field of research has developed, no one definition has been substantiated in order to fully characterise the assertion towards collective considerations of society and nature. Although the adaptation and expansion of this body of knowledge continues to create a broader sub-context in which geographic and development studies are practiced, creating greater obstacles in its theoretical classification, Robbins (2004) defines political ecology as, ââ¬Ëempirical, research based explorations to explain linkages in the condition and change of social/environmental systems , with explicit considerations of relations of power.à The emphasis placed on political ecology is to provide a sense of connectedness within a field that traditional sees the sum of its parts divided into different areas of definition and implication. As the study of the importance of political ecology by Stott and Sullivan (2000) has shown that by identifying the political circumstances that forced people into activities which caused environmental degradation, in the absence of alternative possibilities, there is a need to illustrate the political dimensions of environmental narratives and in deconstructing particular narratives, to suggest that accepted ideas of degradation and deterioration may not be simple linear trends to predominate.à This approach to geographic thinking provides the academic field with a further dimension of theoretical application but as to whether its use has truly ââ¬Ëcome of age remains a contested issue within academia and the wider world of representative approaches to environmental conservation and positive action towards sustainability. This essay will concentrate on deconstructing whether this critical approach to human-environmental relations has broken the barriers to understanding political, human and environmental interactions in a wider social context. This will be achieved through the examination of critiques within the approach, taking into account the important questions of whose history and whose knowledge is being represented and elements of contested theory and implication that cause problematic outcomes on the global stage of development. Whilst developing this argument, also being taken into consideration will be the contribution political ecology has had within and towar ds development and development studies, in order to establish what the role and emphasis is of resulting work that the approach of political ecology has in the ever expanding field of critical development, evaluating, as noted by Muldavin (2008), ââ¬Ëwhere ââ¬Ëwe have been in the past, where we are today, and where we may be going in the future and whether political ecology can ever manifest itself within a structured and conclusive framework or whether the approach will only suffice to be ââ¬Ëall things to all people (Blaikie, 2008). The field of political ecology is vast, through which the addition to theoretical impact through the development of effective frameworks creating limitless boundaries toward disciplinary input where the flexible and adaptive form found within political ecology has allow new and diverse currents of thought within a positivist framework. When considering whether political ecology has come of age, although there are continual debates over the theoretical and methodological implications towards the approaches undertaken by the academy, overlooking these momentarily, it becomes clear that in an age where environmental protection, conservation and the development of long term ââ¬Ëgreen policy is the most predominant topic on policy makers minds, it would be clear to identify the intermediate coming of age of the discipline, despite its continual critique. Arguably, although the approach itself, suffers from what Muldavin (2008) describes as ââ¬Ëboundaries of ignorance that allow unru ly practices to be maintained and reproduced, the controversial subjection of theory and practice leads to a continual critical reassessment of the approaches implications to form continually renewed policy, although criticised for its lack of engagement with practical problem solving (Walker, 2006). The issues of multi-discipline connectedness and the increasing need for social and environmental synergy brings the issues undertaken by aspects of political ecology to occupy the central stage (Peet and Watts, 2004) of global environmental politics and civil society debates. In order to overcome institutionalized system of knowledge the issues raised in the expansion of political ecology debate has allowed for the production of space for thought, opening up discussion toward how discourse formation and representativeness in the present and towards the future to shape policy and practice in order to drive political ecology to form positive regulation of global commons. Developments within the field of political ecology have been vast over the last forty years, with particular emphasis being placed, in the last decade, on what Bebbington (2003) terms ââ¬Ëtheorizing up (Walker, 2006). As previous environmental narratives are questioned, the ability to ââ¬Ëtheorize up seek ways to ascertain the significance of such studies in broader development concerns, (Walker, 2006) where the approach to political ecology represents an integration of environmental knowledge and social justice that is not yet fully adopted or understood in all environmental debate (Forsyth, 2008). Through this stand point the ability to create suitable space in which to consider social participation in environment development and conservation through the implementation of local initiatives can be utilized. As argued by Simon (2003) for the need of balanced integrated attention to the biophysical/environmental and social political realms at different scales, in order to approp riately analyse the formulation of discourse. Much work has been undertaken to deconstruct commonly assumed environmental narratives and the diversity within the field through interdisciplinary connection and ââ¬Ëhybrid knowledge or ââ¬Ëdiscourse coalitions (Latour, 1993; Hajer, 1995; Blaikie, 2008) that have allowed the formulation of theory and methodology to remain lucid and adaptable to change.à However, although as argued by Watts (2003) the diversity of political ecology should be celebrated, its position in the world outside the academy of [political ecologist] thought provides a bleak landscape of complex terminology and distant solutions bound in red tape. Many political ecologists argue the concept of ââ¬Ënon-equilibrium ecology (Forsyth, 2008) as the production of long term policy solutions made due to space-time factors.à With this in mind the assessment of political ecology developments dealing with issues such as access, the effect of institutions on vulnerable societies and the increasing emergence of women in development studies need to be taken into consideration. In the past access and control of resources in environment conservation continues to produce a divide in the politics of knowledge production in the global North and South. Although the work of political ecology seeks to understand and further develop the connections between social networks and the natural environment through its interaction with government and non-government lead organisations, the approach has been problematic from its beginning. Peet and Watts (2004) identify a fundamental flaw through the polarization of the ââ¬Å"havesâ⬠and the ââ¬Å"have notsâ⬠, where an emphasis on the effects of poverty on environment impact has been inherently linked to the causes of degradation in vulnerable areas in need for conservation, focusing heavily on third world and developing countries, which sees negative impacts on the environment fall into a ââ¬Ëblaming the victim approach within social scientific concerns (Peet and Watts, 2004).à This approach arguably reinf orces post-colonial/post-structuralideologies of power and control over resources, through the reproduction of authority where knowledge toward global environmental management is encoded through institutionalised forms of knowledge rhetoric. These theoretical stand points allow for the rationalization of certain types of conclusion or outcome, whilst justifying change to traditional interaction with the environment including enclosure, exclusion and displacement of particular groups within a society.à The implication of this ideological, knowledge certification sees the privilege of particular forms of knowledge and power through which policy and practice toward further environmental trajectories are planned and applied. Although the production of knowledge and policy is important on a global scale, within particular western frameworks of progressive development policy, questions that should be consider include to whom does the policy speak? Whose history, whose science is being institutionalised and privileged and why? Although it is clear certain material impact push particular bands of knowledge into the foreground of discussion; the discourse of development and political ecology, the issues of scale and region variability inevitably become blurred within a colonial sense of restriction and a prescribed vision of what nature and environmental ââ¬Ëwilderness should be, rather than development. Due to the nature of power allocation within development, diverse actors tend not to provide solutions but continue to allocate blame to local land users, with institutional development moving towards alleviating and helping the poor rather than supporting them through long term policy implementation, what Vayda and Walters (1999) argue produces a limitless capacity [for political ecologists] to neither verify their subject of scrutiny nor to have understood the complex and contingent interconnections of factors whereby environmental changes are produced (Forsyth, 2008). Through the consideration of access to resources and institutions, the notion of privileged knowledge assertion and limited access toward political production and resource affirmation, a major development to be considered within conservation management and political ecology is the role of women in development (Jewitt and Kumar, 2004; Robbins, 2004). Women are traditionally depicted to have a close, maternal connection with nature. Though this connection womens closeness to nature aids the development of comprehensive agro-ecological knowledge and environmental management practices (Shiva, 1988) that are restricted due to reduced mobility within society and ecological theory production and more disadvantaged by development programmes (Jewitt and Kumar, 2004) and disproportionately represented among the poor, as a homogenous group. Theory toward the construction of a special relationship between women and the environment has previously been detrimental to the development of consistent policy construction toward scale of social movements in ecological conservation, in this sense, the deconstruction of environment narratives by examining wider inequalities in the division of labour towards ââ¬Ëdiscourse sensitivity (Jewitt and Kumar, 2004) to support and collaborate (Rocheleau, 2008). The example of Joint Forestry Management in India by Jewitt and Kumar (2004) of the possible developments political theory could bring to development strategies is positive but also there are empirical problems that are interwoven in this collaboration with political ecology as a whole, including the lack of assessment toward whether theory can be effectively put into practice on the ground and whether their effectiveness through diverse communities can be achieved. Although the implications political ecology brings to the surface are very urgent and relevant, toward the development of necessary development and conservation policy, issues which are at the heart of present political, economic, cultural and social debate, its inherent complexities provide problematic understanding and expansion as to whether although in terms of its importance and theoretical distinction, the approach has become more grounded and come of age within academic discussion. On the wider, more global stage its concepts of development and conservation theory, although poignant, fail to provide a consistence material solution to aid positive outcomes for conservation development. As argued by Robbins (2004) political ecology is too focused on the broadly defined ââ¬Ëunderdeveloped world and posits the environment as a finite source of basic unchanging and essential elements, which set absolute limits for human action. However intuitive, this assumption has proven histo rically false and conceptually flawed. When considering the implications of political ecology as a critical approach to human-environmental relations, although it is important to consider the approach as a construction of meaning and justification for social and cultural implications on a multilayered scaled, the approach consequentially leads to complexities and problematic understanding. These inconsistencies begin with the problem of a definition that can be transformed to fit different meanings, inevitably creating obstacle to development and environmental justice.à The inability to connect with the wider world due to the diversity of complex notions of theory, devalue the benefit of the connectedness to other disciplines as the pool of thought is limited to a few. Although keen to move toward grounded engagement with the production of integrated social and environmental knowledge toward consistent policy (as seen through the work of Blaikie) ââ¬Ëthe dependency on single stories (in local level research analysis ) reduces the likelihood of influencing many bodies (Bebbington, 2003; Walker, 2004). Although the emphasis on cultural value is present in research, scaling up solutions from snap shots of research data can see many issues lost or lessened. Despite trying to diversify land based initiatives e.g. through donor site programmes, changes have seen movement away from policy based initiatives. The reproduction of knowledge as power, the allocation of privileged theory and the reproduction of poverty and inequality still remains challenging, as argued by Robbins (2004) who states the assertion that superior environmental knowledge originates in the global north for transfer to the global south is problematic due to the reproduction of colonial knowledge and discounting of indigenous knowledge and participation of local communities. Also within this framework of ââ¬Ëknowledge as power is the production of ââ¬Ëwild landscapes working towards conservation initiatives under the initiative of nature as a commodity, which introduces new levels of ambiguity and problematic methodological within the field of development studies and political ecology practices. As cited by Marx, ââ¬Ëeven society as a whole, a nation, or all existing societies put together, are not owners of the Earth. They are merely its occupants, its users; and like good caretakers, they must hand it dow n improved to subsequent generations (Peet and Watts, 2004).à Although, in many instances the commodification of natural resources e.g. the introduction of private parks has created conservation zones, the ethics and highly problematic issues attached to this type of land acquirement has produced environmental conflict. Commodification of land and nature are arguably an expansion of the colonial state, which see the development of an argument where people are removed by state intervention [inherently linked to political ecology (Peet and Watts, 2004)] leaving land to be managed by external structures and nature to be socially constructed causing problems for indigenous groups. Although political ecology approaches are trying to provide a mode of explanation towards engaging nature and political dimensions between human environment relations, they very rarely accomplish a distinctive and workable solution. In conclusion, although the body of knowledge that political ecology produces is highly relevant in modern perceptions towards the urgency of resource dilemmas, the seclusion of the theoretical approach which is confined to non-material based responses to environmental conservation is highly problematic. Although it is argued political ecology has come of age, in definition, the unity of the approach with wider debate still remains marginal to the broader field of development. Blaikie (2008) argues the importance of stabilising political ecology through a more aggressive institutionalization at college and university level. This could be argued as contradictory considering the need and importance of transition to a more decentralised applications of knowledge, through the further inclusion of indigenous knowledge systems and the compromise of researchers and theorists to accommodate the needs of local individuals in order to not displace the values and priorities of communities on th e ground considering the need to further institutionalise theory as stated by Blaikie to make political ecology ââ¬Ëwork. Therefore, it could then be stated that unlike the rediscovery of geography (Muldavin, 2008), political ecology still has many complexities to consider and overcome in order to promote positive impacts towards future environmental development that would result in greater representativeness of the approach in the global arena.à References: Agrawal, A. (2008) The Role of Local Institutions in Adaptation to climate change. Social Dimensions of Climate Change, Social Development Department, The World Bank, March 5-6 Blaikie, P. (2008) Epilogue: Towards a future for political ecology that works. Geoforum 39, 765-772 Forsyth, T. (2008) Political Ecology and the epistemological of social justice, Geoforum 39, 756-764 Greenburg, J.B. and Park, T.K. (1994) ââ¬ËPolitical ecology, Journal of Political Ecology 1 Hajer, M. (1995) in Forsyth, T. (2008) Political Ecology and the epistemological of social justice, Geoforum 39, 756-764 Jewitt, S. and Kumar, S. (2004) ââ¬ËA political ecology of forest management: gender and silvicultural knowledge in the Jharkhand, India in Stott, P., Sullivan, S. (2000) ââ¬ËPolitical Ecology: Science, Myth and Power. Arnold: London Latour, R. (1993) in Forsyth, T. (2008) Political Ecology and the epistemological of social justice, Geoforum 39, 756-764 Marx, Capital, vol.1 in Peet, R., Watts, M. (2004) Liberation Ecologies: Environment, development, social movements. Second Edition, Routledge: Oxon Muldavin, J. (2008) ââ¬ËThe time and place for political ecology: An introduction to the articles honouring the life work of Piers Blaikie. Geoforum 39, 687-697 Peet, R. and Watts, M. (2004) Liberation Ecologies: Environment, development, social movements. Second Edition, Routledge: Oxon Pepper, D., Webster, F. and Revill, G. (2003) Environmentalism: Critical concepts. Routledge: London Robbins, P.(2004) ââ¬ËPolitical Ecology: A critical introduction. Blackwell Publishing: UK Rocheleau, D.E. (2008) Political ecology in the key of policy: From Chains of explanation to webs of reaction. Geoforum 39, 716 727 Shiva, V. (1988) cited in Jewitt, S., Kumar, S. (2004) ââ¬ËA political ecology of forest management: gender and silvicultural knowledge in the Jharkhand, India in Stott, P., Sullivan, S. (2000) ââ¬ËPolitical Ecology: Science, Myth and Power. Arnold: London Simon, D. (2008) ââ¬ËPolitical Ecology and development: Intersections, explorations, and challenges arising from the work of Piers Blaikie. Geoforum 39, 698-707 Stott, P. and Sullivan, S. (2000) ââ¬ËPolitical Ecology: Science, Myth and Power. Arnold: London Vayda, P. and Walters. (1999) Against political ecology. Human ecology, 27 (1) 1-18 in Peet, R., Watts, M. (2004) Liberation Ecologies: Environment, development, social movements. Second Edition, Routledge: Oxon Walker, P. A. (2006) ââ¬ËPolitical ecology: Where is the Policy? Progress in Human Geography 30 (3), 382-395 Watts, M. J. (2003) For political ecology, unpublished manuscript, University of California, Berkeley in Walker, P. A. (2006) ââ¬ËPolitical ecology: Where is the Policy? Progress in Human Geography 30 (3), 382-395 Zimmerer, K.S., Bassett, T.J. (2003) Political Ecology: An integrative approach to geography and environment development studies. The Guildford Press: New York
Friday, January 17, 2020
Fahrenheit 451 Theme and the World of Today Essay
There have been a lot technological developments and advancements in the world. Technological advancements include the Televisions, computers and mobile phones that have become part of human life (Bloom, 76). From the futuristic book Fahrenheit 451, the author notes that the Television has become one of the enemies that people have in the world. The Television is seen as a replacement of the curiosity in human beings, the intellectual aspect as well as a replacement of literature. Furthermore, it is noted in the book that the Television has become a substitute in the family whereby people are glued to what is on the television rather than spend time with families (Bloom, 77). Friendships have been replaced with Television and no meaningful or real conversations can be started without the interruption of the Television. People are busy looking for happiness because people seem to be happy when they do not have to do the ââ¬Å"difficultâ⬠work of thinking critically as noted by the author of the story (Bloom, 77). However, the benefits of television cannot be ignored because of the information aspect of that people can gain. Television, in the current world, has helped a lot in the distribution of the information. Marketers of products rely on television to inform consumers of their products. Governments make use of televisions to pass information to the subjects. It is a contrast that the same tool that is said to replace families and friendships and prevent meaningful conversations is the same tool that is used to unite people (Bloom, 78). Television unites people through information in other aspects, political, social and even economic issues, in the society. Therefore, the theme of Television is directly related to the current world and the way people have become glued to technology use across the world. References Bloom, Harold. Ray Bradburyââ¬â¢s Fahrenheit 451, New Edition. New York: Chelsea House, 2008. Internet resource. P.76-78 Source document
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